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Bye-bye, Bush boom
By Paul Krugman
The New York Times
July 6, 2004
When does optimism - the George Bush campaign's favorite word these days -
become an inability to face facts? On Friday, President Bush insisted that
a seriously disappointing jobs report, which fell far short of the
pre-announcement hype, was good news: "We're witnessing steady growth,
steady growth. And that's important. We don't need boom-or-bust-type
growth."
But Mr. Bush has already presided over a bust. For the first time since
1932, employment is lower in the summer of a presidential election year
than it was on the previous Inauguration Day. Americans badly need a boom
to make up the lost ground. And we're not getting it.
When March's numbers came in much better than expected, I cautioned readers
not to make too much of one good month. Similarly, we shouldn't make too
much of June's disappointment. The question is whether, taking a longer
perspective, the economy is performing well. And the answer is no.
If you want a single number that tells the story, it's the percentage of
adults who have jobs. When Mr. Bush took office, that number stood at 64.4.
By last August it had fallen to 62.2 percent. In June, the number was 62.3.
That is, during Mr. Bush's first 30 months, the job situation deteriorated
drastically. Last summer it stabilized, and since then it may have improved
slightly. But jobs are still very scarce, with little relief in sight.
Bush campaign ads boast that 1.5 million jobs were added in the last 10
months, as if that were a remarkable achievement. It isn't. During the
Clinton years, the economy added 236,000 jobs in an average month. Those
1.5 million jobs were barely enough to keep up with a growing working-age
population.
In the spring, it seemed as if the pace of job growth was accelerating: in
March and April, the economy added almost 700,000 jobs. But that now looks
like a blip - a one-time thing, not a break in the trend. May growth was
slightly below the Clinton-era average, and June's numbers - only 112,000
new jobs, and a decline in working hours - were pretty poor.
What about overall growth? After two and a half years of slow growth, real
G.D.P. surged in the third quarter of 2003, growing at an annual rate of
more than 8 percent. But that surge appears to have been another blip. In
the first quarter of 2004, growth was down to 3.9 percent, only slightly
above the Clinton-era average. Scattered signs of weakness - rising new
claims for unemployment insurance, sales warnings at Target and Wal-Mart,
falling numbers for new durable goods orders - have led many analysts to
suspect that growth slowed further in the second quarter.
And economic growth is passing working Americans by. The average weekly
earnings of nonsupervisory workers rose only 1.7 percent over the past
year, lagging behind inflation. The president of Aetna, one of the biggest
health insurers, recently told investors, "It's fair to say that a lot of
the jobs being created may not be the jobs that come with benefits." Where
is the growth going? No mystery: after-tax corporate profits as a share of
G.D.P. have reached a level not seen since 1929.
What should we be doing differently? For three years many economists have
argued that the most effective job-creating policies would be increased aid
to state and local governments, extended unemployment insurance and tax
rebates for lower- and middle-income families. The Bush administration paid
no attention - it never even gave New York all the aid Mr. Bush promised
after 9/11, and it allowed extended unemployment insurance to lapse.
Instead, it focused on tax cuts for the affluent, ignoring warnings that
these would do little to create jobs.
After good job growth in March and April, the administration declared its
approach vindicated. That was premature, to say the least. Whatever boost
the economy got from the tax cuts is now behind us, and given the size of
the budget deficit, another big tax cut is out of the question. It's time
to change the policy mix - to rescind some of those upper-income cuts and
pursue the policies we should have been following all along.
One last point: Government policies could do a lot about the failure of new
jobs to come with health benefits, a huge source of anxiety for many
American families. John Kerry is right to make health care a central plank
of his platform. I'll analyze his proposals in a future column.
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